Ward 2 News

  • April 28, 2024 Letter

    Dear Neighbors:

     

    I hope you found a way to observe Earth Day this past Monday. We began celebrating this holiday in 1970, and its significance only grows with each passing year. In this week’s letter I discuss the Department of Health’s pandemic resiliency program and the Governor’s re-allocation of federal pandemic relief funds.

     

    1.     The Department Of Health Budget

     

    This past Tuesday, the Department of Health (DOH) presented the Governor’s proposed budget. In Slide 19 of its Presentation, the Department noted that it “expects that the COVID-19 variant will continue to evolve and may lead to occasional surges.” In the next slide, the Department listed the State’s vaccination rates for various respiratory diseases, including a 17% rate for the 2023-24 COVID vaccine. (In contrast, the flu vaccine rate for individuals 65 and over was 55%). I asked the DOH officials if they could do more to increase our vaccination rate and/or implement other programs to increase our pandemic resiliency. They acknowledged more could be done, but the DOH budget failed to utilize $20 million of available funds it had received through the American Recovery Plan Act (ARPA).

     

    2.    Redirection Of ARPA Funds

     

    We learned last week of the Governor’s plans to reallocate ARPA funds. In Budget Amendment 11, he proposes (1) reducing Department of Health’s ARPA budget by $20 million, (2) canceling a $35 million marina project in East Providence (which did not raise sufficient outside matching funds) and (3) redirecting $5 million previously designated for housing programs. In Budget Amendment 12, the Governor proposes repurposing this roughly $60 million on homelessness initiatives ($16 million), replenishing the unemployment insurance trust fund ($24 million) and construction of the replacement Washington Bridge ($20 million).

    The Senate Finance Committee will review these proposals at its meeting next Tuesday, April 30. I will seek answers to these questions:

    • The primary purpose of the ARPA funds was to respond to the COVID-19 pandemic and its effects. Before we remove $20 million from the DOH budget, are we sure we have done our best to build resilience against future respiratory pandemics?
    • Before we allocate additional money to the unemployment insurance trust fund, shouldn’t we first close the $8 million hole in the RIPTA budget first noted in my January 21 letter?
    • Is it premature to allocate $20 million to the Washington Bridge project when we haven’t yet defined its scope, received bids, know its cost, know what federal funding is available, and propose the allocation of federal funds that must be “obligated” by the end of this year?

    My January 21 letter noted that the initial allocation of $10 million in ARPA funds to RIPTA to partially fill an $18 million gap in next year’s budget was problematic because it used one-time federal money to address a structural deficit in future years. With that said, even that allocation leaves a further $8 million gap which will create a crisis next year if it is not closed with additional state or federal funds. I need to hear an explanation why it would be better to redirect additional ARPA funds to the unemployment insurance trust fund rather than close the remaining $8 million hole in RIPTA’s 2024-25 budget.

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  • April 14, 2024 Letter

    Dear Neighbors:

    If you were not able to see the total eclipse yourself, I hope you heard a good story (and saw a good picture) from someone who did. Returning to Earth, this week’s letter discusses the need for updates on the Washington Bridge, the sustainability of Medicaid programs after the expiration of federal pandemic relief funds and an upcoming community meeting.

    1. Legislating Transparency For The Washington Bridge Project

    On Wednesday, the Senate Oversight Committee heard a Bill that would require the Department of Transportation to provide a standard format “snapshot report” each month on its Washington Bridge website providing current data on such issues as (1) the construction timeline, (2) traffic levels, (3) frequency of accidents and breakdowns and (4) travel times. In a different world, it would not be necessary to invoke the legislative process to obtain the regular public disclosure of this type of basic information.

    2. Post-COVID Changes In Medicaid Programs

    a. Difficult Choice Following The Expiration Of Federal Funds

    On Thursday, the Senate Finance Committee reviewed the budget of the Executive Office of Health and Human Services (EOHHS), the agency responsible for operating Rhode Island’s Medicad program. For the past three years, significant federal American Rescue Plan Act funds have paid for expanded Medicaid social and health services to respond to the medical and emotional impacts of the pandemic. The Governor’s budget includes funding to raise the reimbursement rates for Medicaid providers, phasing in an additional $210 million commitment over three years to address some of these gaps, but many remain. The General Assembly will face difficult choices in deciding which remaining gaps to address with the loss of federal funds.

    b. Possible Cost Savings

    The Committee learned of one area to realize savings without reducing services. Last month, the Office of Auditor General released a Report describing redundant Medicaid capitation coverage during 2019-21. (Capitation coverage refers to payments per person that Medicaid makes for recipients enrolled in health maintenance organizations). The Report revealed that Rhode Island expended over $38 million in Medicaid funds (of which $16.5 million were State funds) during those three years on recipients who resided in a different state and received coverage from that state. EOHHS informed the Committee that it has tightened its controls to prevent these double payments going forward.

    While the Committee was pleased to learn this, I believe the federal government is in the best position to prevent these double payments both in Rhode Island and nationally, as it presumably has (or has access to) information to identify every capitation recipient in every state. This information could allow federal Medicaid to screen for matches to end double coverage everywhere. EOHHS officials agreed this solution should exist in theory, but they do not know how to make it happen.

    c. Community Meeting

    This Monday (April 15) evening at 7:00-8:00 p.m. at the Dr. Martin Luther King Elementary School at 35 Camp Street, the Ward 3 Democratic Committee will host a public meeting of the City and State legislators who represent parts of the Ward. We will discuss our projects during the current session. They describe the meeting in this flyer. I look forward to learning from our neighbors about their priorities and how I can do a better job in the Senate. Please consider joining us.

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  • April 7, 2024 Letter
    Dear Neighbors:

    I recently spoke with a 17-year old student who was proud to cast his first vote ever in Tuesday’s Presidential primary. Rhode Island law now grants him this right because he will attain the age of 18 in time for November’s election. Because I celebrated my 18th birthday in October, 1976, I was able to vote in that year’s November election, but not in the Rhode Island primary that preceded it. In this week’s letter, I will discuss a Constitutional right to education and the broader question of a general Constitutional convention.

    1.     The Senate Bill

    Last Wednesday, the Senate Education Committee heard Bill S-2417 which, if enacted, would become half of a joint General Assembly resolution to allow a November ballot question on whether to amend the Rhode Island Constitution to include a judicially enforceable right to education. The Senate has passed this legislation each of the last several years, but unfortunately the House of Representatives has not concurred. We learned Wednesday that 51 House members (of a total of 76) support the legislation this year, but there is no guarantee that the House leadership will permit a vote to occur.

    2.      The Significance Of This Constitutional Right

    It might surprise many Rhode Islanders to learn that our Constitution does not already contain such a right; however, the Supreme Court has interpreted Rhode Island’s Constitution to place sole (or “plenary”) authority for educational policy in the General Assembly. I believe such a right (which is recognized in a majority of states including Massachusetts, Connecticut and New York), could overcome the political challenges limiting our ability to provide the best possible public education for our children. Prior to my election to the Senate, I represented the Woonsocket School Committee in a lawsuit seeking to establish this Constitutional right, but unfortunately the courts dismissed the lawsuit.

    I believe that if the voters were allowed the opportunity, they would approve this amendment by a wide margin. I am frustrated by the General Assembly’s inability to allow the voters to decide an important issue that could have wide support and, in my opinion, would grant Rhode Island’s children a precious and essential Constitutional right.

    3.     A Constitutional Convention

    a. The 1986 Convention

    While most recent amendments to Rhode Island’s Constitution have come from specific referenda authorized by the General Assembly under Section 1 of Article XIV of the Rhode Island Constitution, Section 2 provides an alternative path. Under Section 2, we voters must have the opportunity, at least once every ten years, to decide the question of whether to hold a general constitutional convention. Under that procedure, the voters elect delegates who meet to develop a set of proposed amendments which are placed on the ballot for the next general election. The voters last approved such a convention in 1984, and the delegates presented fourteen proposed amendments for the voters to consider on the 1986 ballot. As reported in the Board of Elections record, the voters passed eight of them and rejected six. Among those that passed were an updated rewriting of the Constitution and the establishment of the Ethics Commission. Among the ones rejected (by nearly a 2:1 margin) was a proposed anti-abortion amendment.

    b. A Safety Valve For Voters

    At Wednesday’s hearing, the American Civil Liberties Union stated its support for Bill S-2417. I asked whether it would support a general Constitutional convention to consider a right to education (among other possible amendments) if the House of Representatives continued to deny voter consideration of a specific education amendment. The ACLU said it opposed a general convention, citing the 1986 proposed anti-abortion amendment as an example of the poor policy that can result from such a process.

    While I value much of the ACLU’s work, and while I strongly support a woman’s right to choose, I part company with the ACLU on the question of the value of a general Constitutional convention. I believe the Ethics Commission amendments of 1986 represent a valuable legacy of the 1986 convention, and that voters’ conclusive rejection of a proposed anti-abortion amendment in 1986 proves that we can trust voters to make wise decisions about our Constitution. I believe Article XIV, Section 2’s Constitutional convention “safety valve” is especially important when we elected officials are unable to enact measures for which there is strong popular support.

    3.     The 2024 Ballot Question

    Under the above-quoted Article XIV, Section 2, the Secretary of State is required to place the question of a general constitutional convention on the ballot at least every ten years. The last time the voters had that opportunity was in 2014; therefore, I believe it is possible that we will have the chance to vote on this question in November. Article XIV, Section 2 requires that:

    • Prior to a vote by the qualified electors on the holding of a convention, the general assembly, or the governor if the general assembly fails to act, shall provide for a bi-partisan preparatory commission to assemble information on constitutional questions for the electors

     

    I am not aware of the progress (or for that matter the existence) of such a bipartisan preparatory commission. After Wednesday’s hearing, I plan to inquire about the status of this commission, as we voters should have the best information available about the advantages and disadvantages of a constitutional convention prior to casting a vote on fundamental question of State government.

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  • March 31, 2024 Letter

    Dear Neighbors:

    I wish everyone observing Easter a blessed day filled with peace, love and joy. In this week’s letter, I will discuss the State’s ongoing relationship with the St. Mary’s Home, and the issue of unfunded mandates.

    1.     St. Mary’s Home

    a. The Child Advocate’s Disturbing Report

    Last Tuesday, the Senate Finance Committee reviewed the budgets of the Department of Children, Youth and Families (DCYF) and the Office of Child Advocate (OCA). In December, OCA published a Report that revealed extensive, disturbing instances of mistreatment of the children under St. Mary’s care. At a March 5 hearing, the Senate Finance Committee Chair expressed his concerns about DCYF’s continuing relationship with St. Mary’s, including plans to use $11 million of pandemic relief funds to design and build a new psychiatric care facility that would be operated by St. Mary’s.

    b. DCYF’s Response

    At Tuesday’s hearing, the DCYF Director stated she has put a hold on new referrals to St. Mary’s and imposed a “corrective action plan” to bring the facility into compliance with State law and the best interest of children under its care. This process is constrained by the time limits on the use of federal pandemic relief funds, which must be “obligated” by the end of this year and spent by the end of 2026. As a result, DCYF does not have a wide window of time to change its plans should it conclude that St. Mary’s is incapable of making the needed reforms.

    c. Coordination With The Child Advocate

    I was pleased to learn that DCYF enlisted the assistance of OCA to develop the corrective action plan and to monitor its compliance. As noted above, OCA’s investigation found the serious problems at St. Mary’s that DCYF had not. This collaboration between the two offices is the first of its kind, which in my view presents both opportunities and risks. I asked the Child Advocate how she would balance her roles of collaborating with DCYF to bring St. Mary’s into compliance on the one hand, and maintain its independent oversight on the other. the Child Advocate assured the Committee she would maintain her independent, core responsibility to keep children first no matter what. I will be interested to follow the progress of this partnership.

    2.     Unfunded Mandates

    a. Mandating Trainers For High School Sports

    Last Wednesday, the Senate Education Committee, reviewed a bill proposing to protect high school athletes from serious injuries by requiring a trainer in attendance at all sports practices and games. We heard testimony that trainers on the spot could reduce the harmful effects of concussions in high school football and lacrosse, and the risk of other serious injury in other sports.

    b. Impact On Local School Budgets

    We also heard testimony from school officials stating that while the bill’s intent was commendable, its mandatory language would increase costs for schools and school districts without providing State funding to cover those costs. From the perspective of school districts and municipal officials, this type of bill represents what they call and “unfunded mandate.” During my days on the Providence School Board and City Council, these mandates frustrated me, as they diverted scarce funds from other school programs that, in our judgment at the time, were a higher priority for our students.

    c. State Law 1: Reimbursement Program

    When the General Assembly considers bills that would require an appropriation of State funds, the Office of Management and Budget provides a “fiscal note” informing legislators of the cost of the proposed initiative. I was curious whether we needed a similar protocol for bills compelling an expenditure of local funds. At Wednesday’s hearing, the Senate staff and the school committee witnesses informed me of two laws, namely 45-13-9 and 45-13-9.1. In 1979, Section 45-13-9 established a procedure to calculate the local cost of these mandates, and for the State to distribute reimbursement to local communities of the mandated costs. The General Assembly then modified the reimbursement, limiting the amount to that “as may be appropriated by the general assembly,” which eventually reduced and eliminated this funding source.

    d. State Law 2: Disclosure Requirement

    In 2006, the General Assembly enacted section 9.1, which I read to require the submission of a local financial impact calculation when the General Assembly considers enacting such a mandate, even to the point of (at least in my reading) invalidating any such mandates that are enacted without such a cost determination. I have been in the Senate for almost three years, and I have yet to see any local impact “fiscal notes” contemplated by Section 9.1, even as we have enacted “unfunded mandates” during that time. I plan to research this law to understand its current application to State legislation, as these State mandates have commanded substantial local expenditures that diverge from the priorities of many local communities.

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  • March 24, 2024 Letter

    Dear Neighbors:

    While COVID inflicted great pain and suffering, our ability to adapt brought benefits we continue to enjoy today, including Zoom and expanded voting. I recently was Providence (Early) Voter No. 9 in this year’s Presidential primary, and I encourage you to exercise your right to vote in any of the ways now available (including voting in person on April 2). In this week’s letter, I will discuss the ongoing work of the Senate commission studying possible reforms in the Providence Public School Department (“PPSD”).

    1. A Vision For Education In Providence

    This past Monday (March 18), the Commission held its fourteenth meeting, at which it reviewed the Second Draft Report. This Report describes (at page 18) a vision of PPSD’s future that combines greater professional fulfillment for teachers with improved outcomes for students containing these elements:

    • Providence Public Schools will provide a work environment that will attract and retain high quality educational professionals.
    • All educators within Providence Public Schools have a shared commitment to provide all children with a quality public education.
    • All educators have a meaningful voice and collaborative role in fulfilling their shared commitment.
    • Teachers have a responsibility to maintain high professional standards, and they have the authority and responsibility to support their colleagues in meeting them.
    • All educators are personally accountable for the quality of their contribution to this shared commitment.

    2. The Example of the Springfield, Massachusetts Empowerment Zone Partnership

    A cohort of Springfield, Massachusetts middle and high schools organized into an Empowerment Zone Partnership (“SEZP”) that realized a tangible version of this vision, anchored in a Collective Bargaining Agreement that was ratified by 96% of the union membership. Among the key reforms SEZP achieved (and which PPSD would benefit from emulating) are the following:

    • Dispute Resolution Process: Expedited Mediation and Arbitration (Article 19);
    • Establishing teacher leadership teams as the vehicle for shared decision-making at the school level (Articles 22-24);
    • Authorizing principals to select the best qualified staff from both internal and external candidates without regard to seniority (Article 28);
    • Authorizing the Empowerment Zone to reassign displaced teachers and staff to positions for which they are qualified (Article 30);
    • Site-based management for professional development (Article 33);
    • Reducing the role for seniority in teacher assignments (Article 29), teacher displacements (Article 30) and reductions in force (Article 36);
    • Expedited dismissal and discipline (Article 37);
    • Establishing a joint labor-management evaluation team (Article 44);
    • Creating a career ladder (Article 63) including stipends/additional pay for leadership and other roles (Article 65) and for exceptional performance (Article 67);
    • Shared expectations for collaboration between principals and teacher leadership teams (Appendix A)

    SEZP published an Impact Summary noting its gains in many areas, including student achievement, faculty diversity and the development of students’ social and emotional skills.

    3.     Presentations By Commission Experts

    The experts who presented to the Commission describe SEZP’s type of labor-management relationship as “professional unionism.” The 96% approval vote by the Springfield Education’ Association’s membership demonstrates conclusively how these reforms are properly viewed as both pro-student and pro-union. These ideas are not new to Providence, as many of them appear in the 1993 Providence Blueprint for Education (“PROBE”) Report.

    4.     The Second Draft Report’s Recommendations

    Pages 26-36 of the Second Draft Report contain recommendations to support PPSD’s ability to realize this vision, including collaborative bargaining, building capacity, increasing administrative accountability and removing legislative barriers. In the coming weeks, the Commission will make further revisions to the Report based on Monday’s meeting with the goal of producing a final draft for a vote.

    5.     My Perspective

    I view my work on this Commission as my most important project in the Senate. As a Providence Public Schools student, parent and School Board member, as a Providence City Council member and now as a State Senator, I have seen how important our public schools are to the future of our children, our families, our City and our State. I believe in my heart that Providence Public Schools is capable of achieving the benefits of the professional unionism we see in the Springfield Empowerment Zone Partnership, and that our successful future depends critically upon the ability of Providence Public Schools labor and management to achieve them.

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  • March 17, 2024 Letter
    I hope you are enjoying Saint Patrick’s Day. When my children were younger, I celebrated by serving them green scrambled eggs (in a nod to Dr. Seuss), much to my enjoyment and their annoyance. This week’s letter discusses student attendance, education funding and the Senate study commission reviewing Providence Public Schools.

    1.     Student Attendance

    This past Wednesday, the Rhode Island Department Education (RIDE) presented its program to the Senate Education Committee. RIDE began with a description of its Attendance Matters campaign, focused on reducing chronic absenteeism (when a student is absent for 10% or more of the school year). RIDE presented this chart to show the absenteeism-related achievement gap:

    The chart suggests an absenteeism-based achievement gap of 20%. The existence of this gap is intuitively clear, but I believe RIDE’s chart does not isolate the effect of chronic absenteeism. I used RIDE’s database to prepare this table that looks at demographic factors correlated with student achievement:
    The table presents the achievement gaps by socioeconomic group with which we are familiar, and matches them against absenteeism rates. I am particularly struck by the achievement gap and attendance gap based on poverty status, which raises a question: how much of this achievement gap is the result of the multiple other challenges faced by students in poverty (living struggles, homelessness or mobility, etc.) and how much by chronic absenteeism? I asked RIDE to disaggregate their absenteeism data by socioeconomic group to help us understand this issue and develop programs that are targeted in the best possible way.

    2.     School Spending Data

    Rhode Island’s school aid funding formula aims to ensure that each school district has adequate funds to pay for “core instructional” expenses. RIDE collects data from school districts to monitor whether they are in fact spending sufficient funds to pay for the “core instructional” budget that the State is providing aid to maintain. On Thursday night, RIDE presented this chart:

    The red dotted line that runs across the chart indicates the “core instructional budget” tabulated by the State formula, and the blue bars indicate each school district’s actual spending as a percentage of that core amount. The chart indicates that almost all school districts meet or exceed the State figure, with the exception of four property-poor districts including Providence, whose core instructional budge is 98% of the State calculation. RIDE plans to use this data as a tool to encourage school departments and municipalities to meet the State level.

    It is worth noting that the four school districts at the far right of the chart have the smallest relative property tax bases in the State and are among the highest proportion of students in poverty and/or multilanguage learners. I believe these districts are most in need of a revision to the funding formula’s “state share ratio” described in last week’s letter. In other words, it will be possible to close the funding gap in these four communities by amending the funding formula to match that of Massachusetts.

    3.     Senate Study Commission

    The Senate study commission reviewing Providence Public Schools received a Draft Report at its January 29 meeting, which it discussed at that time and at a meeting held on February 5. The Commission will meet tomorrow, Monday March 18 at 5:00 p.m. in the Senate Lounge to review a second draft of the report. You can view the agenda by clicking here.

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  • March 10, 2024 Letter

    Dear Neighbors:

    At Thursday’s Senate session, we wore purple to honor International Women’s Day (I also wore it to celebrate Classical High School’s basketball victory) following last week’s celebration of Black History Month. Combining these two occasions, I attended a class yesterday that studied a famous speech by Sojourner Truth, who was a leader in the causes of both abolition and women’s rights. In this week’s letter, I discuss the Commerce Corporation and a bill I introduced this session.

    1.     The Commerce Corporation

    The Senate Finance Committee reviewed the Commerce Corporation budget last week. Among other things, we reviewed the Corporation’s decision to approve the Tidewater Landing soccer stadium bond that requires $132 million in payments over time to provide $27 million in financing, or almost $5 in payments for each dollar of financing, making it the most expensive publicly funded minor league soccer stadium. This results in part from a high interest rate (7.24%), but even at that interest rate, the total financing costs of a 30-year home mortgage would be less than half of what Commerce is paying to finance Tidewater Landing. This decision has raised serious questions concerning its value proposition.

     

    Looking for lessons to learn, I reviewed the minutes of Commerce Corporation meetings over the last two years. I learned that Commerce usually makes decisions with broad consensus – of the 101 substantive votes it took, 95 were unanimous and three more were unopposed with members recusing, leaving only three votes with opposition. Of those three, two received only token opposition, resulting in votes of 5-2 on one matter and 8-1 on another. The only closely divided vote involved Tidewater Landing, when on July 25, 2022, the Governor voted to break a tie to force approval with a 6-5 vote, with one member abstaining and another recusing; i.e. fewer than a majority of the full Commerce Corporation supported the measure.

    At the hearing, I recommended to the Commerce Secretary that the Corporation should adopt a two-thirds rule for its votes, as this would not affect 99% of their votes, while causing them to pause before moving forward on the 1% of matters on which they are seriously divided. If Commerce does not set this guardrail on its own, it may be appropriate to advance legislation.

    2.     Legislative Program

    I introduced Bill S-2569 to revise the “state share” component of our education aid funding formula to match that of Massachusetts. Rhode Island calculates the state’s share of each community’s foundation budget by comparing each community’s property tax base per enrolled child (as measured against the statewide average). While this measure is a useful first approximation, the fact remains that some students have greater needs, and their education requires greater local and state resources.

    Consider the example of two communities, A and B, each of which has a property tax base of $100 million and an enrollment of 100 students. Suppose, however, that A’s students are all native English speakers from affluent families, while half of B’s students are multi-language learners from households in poverty. As reflected in Rhode Island’s funding formula, Community B’s foundation budget will be at least 20% larger than Community A’s, as “student success factor” will be added to the cost to educate each student who is either in poverty and/or is a multi-language learner.

    From this difference in the composition of student population, it follows that Community B will require a larger “tax effort” to pay its share of the cost to educate its resident student population than will Community A. Because Rhode Island’s current funding formula does not account for this difference, our formula would apply the same “state share” to both communities.

    In contrast, Massachusetts calculates state share by comparing each community’s property tax base to its foundation budget, rather than its property tax base per student. Adjusting the state share in this way would be largely “expenditure neutral,” i.e., it would not require additional State dollars, but it would redirect significant State aid to communities with students in poverty and multilanguage learners, including Providence.

    I have introduced 14 other bills you can view by clicking on this link.  In future letters, I will discuss some of these other bills from this list in greater detail.

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  • March 3, 2024 Letter

    I hope you had the chance to observe Black History Month, perhaps taking the Providence Walking Tour which I recommend. In this week’s letter, I will discuss how a draft report from RIDOT’s consultant changes my tentative understanding of the past, present and future of the Washington Bridge.

    1.     The VN Report 

    a.     The Role of the Tie-Down “Pins”

    On February 21, RIDOT’s consultant VN submitted a Draft Report concerning the current condition of the northern span of the Washington Bridge and remediation options. As noted in a Providence Journal article, the draft report can be read to view the broken tie-down rods (or “pins”) as a symptom of more significant structural vulnerabilities which overwhelmed the capacity of the “pins” to hold the bridge together.

    b.     Broader Structural Weaknesses

    The Report details structural flaws, not only along Span 7, but also throughout the entire length of the bridge. In my untrained reading, the report focuses on a key component in the bridge’s understructure supporting the road deck above it. That understructure consists of a series of concrete “beams” that straddle the piers anchored in the Seekonk riverbed. The concrete beams depend critically upon steel cables (or “tendons”) that run through the beams, and which are held in tension with fixed anchors at either end, resulting in what is called a “cantilever beam post-tensioning system.”

    To my understanding, the VN Report finds significant deterioration of the steel components that hold the concrete beams in tension in Span 7, degrading of the “grout” that surrounds and protects the tendons within the beams, and degrading of the concrete in the beams themselves. While focused on Span 7, the VN Report finds signs of similar flaws in other locations on the bridge, which it attributes to water leaking through joints in the bridge “deck” (or road surface above the understructure). The VN Report concludes that the original plan to replace the broken tie-down “pins” is inadequate to address these pervasive flaws, and that efforts to repair these flaws within the bridge’s current structure present significant risks of failure.

    2.     Implications of the VN Report

    VN submitted its Report on February 21, the same day that RIDOT announced its plans to add a third lane in each direction of the remaining (southern) span of the Washington Bridge. If RIDOT concludes (as I believe it will) that the northern span must be replaced, it changes my understanding of the past, present and future of the Washington Bridge in these ways:

    a.     The Past

    At the Joint Oversight Committee’s first hearing, members asked questions concerning inspections of the tie-down “pins” whose failure was noted for the first time in December. I believe we were trying to determine whether RIDOT could have identified the need to repair and replace those pins earlier than it did, which could have saved the bridge from its immediate closure. The VN Report changes my understanding, because I read it to say that the pins’ failure was a symptom of larger problems that would have remained even if RIDOT had replaced the pins years ago.

    If this is correct, my inquiry into the past changes from a focus on the pins to a broader question concerning RIDOT’s overall repair program design. In its 2019 BUILD Grant application, RIDOT noted some corroded steel components on the bridge, but outlined a repair project focused on the bridge’s “deck” rather than its understructure. At that time, RIDOT asserted that the proposed repairs could add 25 years to the bridge’s useful life, obviating the need for a “costly full replacement, a scope change which could more than double the cost of this project.” (emphasis in original.)

    As a result, I would like to see future Joint Oversight Committee hearings explore the questions of (1) whether RIDOT could have taken steps during 2019-24 to shore up the bridge’s understructure to fulfill the project’s goal of adding 25 years to the bridge’s useful life, and/or (2) whether RIDOT’s better course would have been to plan for the bridge’s replacement in 2019, rather than incur the $30 million spent to date on a repair plan that was unlikely to succeed.

    b.     The Present

    It now appears likely that the Washington Bridge will be limited to a single (southern) span for a period of months and possibly years. If this is correct, I would like the Joint Oversight Committee to investigate the impacts of this no longer “interim” change on, among other things, (1) traffic patterns that affect travel times and local road conditions and (2) local businesses.

    c.      The Future

    RIDOT announced it will disclose its plans for the future of the Washington Bridge’s northern span in late February or early March. If (as I now expect) those plans will be to replace the bridge, the Joint Oversight Committee will need to learn answers to such questions as: (1) What lessons has RIDOT learned from the failure of the current bridge as it applies both to this bridge and others throughout the State? (2) What process will RIDOT employ to design and build the replacement? (3) How long will it take? (4) How much will it cost? and (5) How will it be paid for?

    3.     Conclusion

    I am not an engineer, and my lay person’s perspective may be 100% off-base. Also, I have much to learn about the facts and circumstances here. I will continue my own study and obtain expert insight when and where I can. With that said, the VN Report has significantly changed my understanding of the past, present and future of the Washington Bridge. I will work with the Joint Oversight Committee to continue our investigation to support the State’s best possible response to this event.

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  • February 18, 2024 Letter

    I hope you enjoyed the Super Bowl and survived the snow. This week’s letter discusses the first oversight hearing reviewing the closure of the westbound Washington Bridge.

    On Monday, February 12, the Senate and House Oversight Committees held their first joint hearing to review the Washington Bridge closure. The Committees have a broad charge, looking to what happened in the past, how the closure is being managed in the present, and what actions the Department will take in the future to repair or replace the bridge.

    A.   The Decision To Close The Bridge

    At the hearing, RIDOT presented a Slide Deck with information about the bridge closure. On Friday, December 8, an engineer from VHB inspected the recently-painted steel girders (or “beams”) in Span 7. While there, he noticed that a tie-down pin that attached one of the girders had broken, leaving a gap. (See Slide 7). A team of VHB engineers returned Monday morning December 11. They observed that several of the girders were moving as traffic went across the deck, indicating the possible failure of other tie-down pins and the risk of bridge failure. RIDOT closed the bridge that afternoon.

    B.    The Response To The Structural Failure

    1.     Assembling An Investigative Team

    In response, RIDOT assembled a team of six consultants (See Slide 5), and the Governor engaged a seventh consultant to perform a separate forensic analysis (i.e. explain when and why the tie down pin failed). In addition to its own forensic consultant, RIDOT engaged a consultant who specializes in non-invasive testing, such as X-rays and ultrasonic testing, that will allow RIDOT to review the condition of structural elements that are not visible.

    2.     Revising The Initial Repair Plan

    At first, RIDOT believed that it would be possible to repair the bridge by replacing the twelve tie-down pins and related hardware in Span 7. Since that time, the consultants have conducted further testing of the six beams in Span 7, as well as beams in other spans of the bridge. RIDOT concluded that its original repair plan may be insufficient, and that a range of possible repairs (up to replacement) is possible. RIDOT expects to have a complete analysis by late February or early March, at which time it will select a repair or replacement plan.

    C.    How And Why The Failure Occurred

    1.     RIDOT’s Initial Repair Plan

    In its 2019 BUILD Grant application for funding a part of the project’s $70 million total cost, RIDOT stated that (1) the bridge was in poor condition, (2) the proposed repairs could add 25 years to its useful life and (3) delaying construction “will ultimately result in a necessary, costly full replacement, a scope change which could more than double the cost of this project.” (emphasis in original.) The document identified areas where the bridge required “significant rehabilitation,” focusing on the underside of the bridge deck and the superstructure. The application did not mention the tie down pins.

    2.     The Importance Of The Tie Down Pins

    We now know that the tie-down pins at Span 7 are a critical element of the bridge’s structural integrity. As a result, I am interested in the following questions:

    ·        Would the present closure have occurred if RIDOT had addressed the issue of the tie down pins earlier?

    ·        Were there reasonable opportunities to detect and address the problem of the tie down pins earlier?

    ·        If so, which actors could have addressed this problem prior to the discovery of structural failure on December 8, 2023, and when could/should they have done so?

    3.     Next Steps

    In looking for answers to these questions, I am mindful of the saying that “hindsight is always 20-20,” and the record of information the Committee has assembled to date is in its earliest stages.  With that said, I question whether RIDOT could have benefitted in 2019 from the expertise of the consultants it engaged this past December. As Chair McKenney noted, this project has cost a total of almost $100 million, so it is not intuitively clear how this issue could have been missed, or why consultants who could have provided useful information were not engaged due to cost concerns.

    At the hearing, I requested certain types of additional information and additional witnesses that will supplement the record, and hopefully provide a basis to resolve these critical questions of accountability, as well as provide lessons learned for repairs in the remaining inventory of bridges.

    The General Assembly will observe its February recess next week. I therefore expect to send out my next letter in two weeks (i.e. Sunday, March 3). Until then, I wish you all the best.

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  • February 4, 2024 Letter
    When Punxsutawny Phil did not see his shadow Friday, it was a mixed blessing – yes, we want Spring to come, but shorter winters also remind us of the urgent need to address climate change. While our work on this continues, this week’s letter discusses the rate review process for behavioral health services and revisions to the State’s use of federal pandemic relief funds.

    A.   Reviewing Medicaid Provider Reimbursement Rates

    My first Finance Committee meeting two years ago introduced me to the holes in our safety net for people needing social and human services. At that time, the General Assembly approved a temporary patch of federal funds to supplement inadequate Medicaid reimbursement rates. Over the past year, the Office of Health Insurance Commissioner reviewed of those rates. On January 30, Commissioner made a Presentation describing the process and findings.

    1.     The Commissioner’s Cost Model

    The Commissioner assessed the adequacy of Rhode Island’s Medicaid reimbursement rates by comparing them to neighboring states, and by developing an independent provider cost model.  Based on these models, the Commissioner found a $44 million gap in current reimbursement rates for these services.  (Other Medicaid rates were not discussed at this hearing.) Any rate increase would be funded by a mix of State and federal funds at a ratio of roughly 44% (state)/56% (federal).  The Commissioner noted that the General Assembly’s charge to him did not request a review of primary care reimbursement rates; however, he recommended conducting such a review in the coming year.

    2.     The Governor’s Budget

    While the Governor’s budget documents note the Commissioner’s rate review, they do not explicitly quantify its impact. In fact, the Governor’s 2025 overall budget of the Department of Behavioral Healthcare and Developmental Disabilities and Hospitals (which includes a number of other items not subject to rate review) proposes a $7.7 million reduction next year from the current year’s revised budget.

    B.    Repurposing Soon-To-Expire Federal Pandemic Relief Funds

    In my January 7 letter, I discussed the Pandemic Recovery Office’s review of federal aid from the State Fiscal Relief Fund (SFRF) of the American Rescue Plan Act that was at risk of forfeiture due to the State’s failure to meet federal obligation and spending deadlines. Last Wednesday, that office issued a updated report with recommendations.

    1.     The Pandemic Relief Office’s Recommendations

    The updated report recommends canceling than $65 million of currently unobligated and unspent federal fund projects, including funds for COVID response ($20 million plus), the South Quay Terminal project ($35 million), while also substituting $20 million of unrestricted surplus to pay for a water treatment plant at URI, which cannot be completed within the federal funding deadlines. The administration will be presenting its updated SFRF budget to the Finance Committee this Thursday, February 8.

    I look forward to receiving more information about this budget. As noted in my January 7 letter, I want to ensure that some proposed funding substitutions comply with federal guidelines, and that the the budget spends this one-time money both promptly (to avoid forfeiture) and in the State’s best interest.

    2.     Compliance With Broad Federal Goals

    I also am concerned with the program’s consistency with the goals Congress presented when approving this funding. As noted in my November 14 2021 letter, federal guidelines identified four permitted uses of SFRF money, namely (1) responding to the public health crisis and its economic impacts, (2) supporting essential workers, (3) replacing lost state revenue and (4) water/sewer/broadband infrastructure. The Governor’s budget describes how the State’s SFRF budget matches these categories with this pie chart:

    The pie chart does not have any funding for essential workers (though I believe some modest amounts went for this purpose), or for water/sewer/broadband infrastructure (though again I believe some amounts went for this purpose). In the meantime, the State has allocated over $384 million for “revenue replacement,” i.e. to replace general State revenues lost due to the pandemic. This category that permits expenditures on almost any purpose, pandemic-related or not. Congress provided a formula for calculating the amount allowed under this category which was independent of how State finances actually developed during the pandemic. As it happens, Rhode Island ran general revenue surpluses over that period in the following amounts:

    • FY2021: $374,425,433
    • FY2022: $209,649,745
    • FY2023: $412,262,967 (preliminary audit)

    At the moment, the recently concluded fiscal year shows a general revenue surplus of $90 million, though that is subject to adjustment.

    In short, Rhode Island’s general revenues held up well during the pandemic, and we decided to allocate SFRF money for “revenue replacement” even though State revenues did not need to be replaced. Put another way, we allocated the money to relatively unrestricted “revenue replacement” because we were allowed to, not because we had to.

    Rhode Island was not alone in taking this step, and many of our “revenue replacement” projects will help the State over time. With that said, I regret that we did not use the funds to help our essential workers during the pandemic, and I remain concerned that we assign a top priority to using adequate remaining federal funds for their primary intended use, namely building up our public health system to take us through the ongoing COVID pandemic and to increase our resilience for future ones.

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